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Speech is what makes man a political being.
Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (1958)
THE ARENDT CENTENNIAL AROUND THE US

Most of these celebrations have a common theme, which is  captured in the title of a conference to be held in New  York in December, 2006: HANNAH ARENDT RIGHT NOW. They are  concerned with revisiting Arendt’s work to ask what  it might mean for the present situation in America, about  which Arendt wrote so often in her last essays, and the  present situation in the world. In a sense, these  celebrations constitute a desire that Arendt might be still  living to offer her commentary on current events, to be a  public presence, an example of concern for the public  realm. So the celebrations are, in effect, a eulogy, which  is a type of speech that Hannah Arendt described in these  words (quoted from Men In Dark Times) when she delivered  one as her teacher Karl Jaspers received the German Book  Trade’s Peace Prize:

[The} laudatio [is] a  eulogy whose task it is to praise the man rather than his  work. How to do this we can perhaps learn from the Romans,  who, more experienced in matters of public significance  than we are, tell us what such an enterprise should be all  about: in laudationibus …ad personarum dignitatem  omnia referrentur, said Cicero—“in  eulogies…the sole consideration is the greatness and  dignity of the individuals concerned.”

To enter the world of Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) is to encounter the  political and moral catastrophes of the 20th century. Her life spanned  the convulsions of two world wars, revolutions and civil wars, and  events worse than war in which human lives were uprooted and destroyed  on a scale never seen before.

There is abundant evidence that Arendt's understanding of what it  means to think politically has struck a responsive chord in the contemporary  world. In recent years, increasing numbers of people have turned to  her as a guide they trust in their need to understand for themselves  and realize in their own lives the courage it takes to be free. The  earliest of Arendt's writings in the collection dates from 1925, when  she was 19, and the latest from 1975, the year she died. By far the  greater part of them comes from the period after her emigration to  the United States, in 1941, as World War II raged in Europe.

Reading Arendt now against the backdrop of the trial of Saddam Hussein, the war in Iraq, and processes of globalization means confronting profound political and moral issues that emerge in classroom discussions in history, social studies, and literature. Is sovereignty the highest good of the state? Do nations have obligations to one another? Are there universal human rights? Are they enforceable? Is evil a problem of human nature or culture? What explains the rise of totalitarian power and the use of terror and fear as instruments of politics? As the language of good and evil circulates in politics and the media, filters into all our classrooms and affects the social dynamics of “insider/outsider” operating informally on many school campuses today, Arendt invites us to think. Think about the roots of “the problem of evil,” think about the meaning of human plurality and diversity, and think about the use of terror and violence by both state and non-state actors to resolve conflict or redress grievances. What is the human condition?

Hannah Arendt was an open spirit who cannot be easily placed within the philosophic trend of her time. Nor did she fit well into the framework of established academic discourse of her
time. Against the background of horrible experiences as a Jewish citizen in a Europe dominated by National Socialism, she sought to create a world worthy of human habitation.

This was what drove her wish to understand the world and act in it. She did not concentrate on the basic questions of a political theory, but was just as open for culture and literature, as well as for current problems of political life. She was a committed observer of everyday politics.

Since the tradition of political philosophy was unable to prevent the rise of totalitarianism, she sought to create a new foundation for political action. To her this laid in the realisation that political acting is freedom, and creates freedom. She stood up for agreements based on common speaking and acting.

A stateless person herself for many years, she dealt intensively with the issue of minorities and stateless people. Since human rights often depend on a protective location, she pleaded for the universal right to having rights.
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